The political
condition of contemporary Kashmir is defined
by a certain languidness, torpor and a dull resignation. This is in sharp
contrast to the ‘ragda’ phases- periods when Kashmir
erupted and Kashmiris became energized and launched a diffuse protest against the
Indian state and its representatives. This rather schizophrenic dichotomy is rather
inexplicable and bizarre. What accounts for the lull and the eruption? What political
lessons can be drawn from this? And can the situation be ‘exploited’ to obtain
permanent peace and tranquility in Kashmir ? Or
in other words does the current lull offer an opportunity to resolve the
internal dimension of the conflict in Kashmir
for good? And who can potentially be an enabler for this?
The eruption of
Kashmir and the energization of Kashmiris accrues and stems from the fact that
the powers that be in the Indian political class have viewed Kashmir
from an administrative, management and security prism. This means that these
powers feel and believe that containment of the insurgency by military means, of
a semblance of a patina of governance, followed by dollops of monies and other administrative
means would end the conflict in Kashmir . This
narrow and technocratic approach views the conflict as a conflict of interests
that can be managed by the so called ‘rational bureaucratic’ method. It naturally
militates against and ignores the conceptual dynamic of the dispute: an abstraction
called freedom and its ancillary-self determination. (In vulgar and crass terms,
it is akin to the belief in the tooth fairy sneaking during the night and
stealing the bad tooth. Or in a nutshell, this approach is delusionary. Commonsense suggests that the bad tooth needs
treatment). The eruption of Kashmir or what has popularly been called ragda is an
eloquent reminder about the failure of the management approach.
The first step is
to acknowledge the nature of the dispute by powers that be in the Indian
political establishment. The nub of the
dispute is about a people wanting and desiring freedom and its corollary, self
determination. Accepting this premise does not mean the end or withering of India ’s sovereign remit over Kashmir but finding
ways and means to sate this quest within the sovereign rubric of India . This, given
the subjectivity of freedom, is eminently possible. A paradigm and template that
sates the aspirations of Kashmiris under the broad rubric of freedom and within
the sovereign remit of India
could potentially go miles in resolving the psychic and abstract dimensions of the
conflict. The rest then is corollary or mere detail. The question is who will
bell the cat?
The onus or responsibility
of this falls on the shoulders of the young Mr. Omar Abdullah. Why? Because it is
his party’s plank that comes closest to sating the abstraction of self
determination and freedom in an idiom acceptable to the Indian state. This plank
is greater autonomy. It approximates freedom and can be presented to both Kashmiris
and the Indian state as an equilibrium and win win solution. How can the young
Mr. Abdullah do it?
He can do it by
being a ‘therapeutic populist’, a consensus building leader and an educator. It
is by no means a stretch to posit that Kashmir
and Kashmiris have suffered a lot since the past few decades. They are a
‘wounded people’-psychically and emotionally. This sense of hurt and grievance
needs to be attended to. And it is only a leader with organic ties to Kashmir that can heal Kashmiris. Mr. Abdullah- the scion
of the indomitable and the charismatic Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah- is potentially
that kind of leader. All he needs to do is to connect to people in an idiom
that they understand and appreciate in a manner that enables a transfer of
allegiance from the late Sheikh Abdullah to him. Plebiscitary authority can
then be vested in him. The power that could accrue from this would be immense
and a case of transference would occur: people would project their aspirations
and desires onto the personality of the young Mr. Abdullah. He could then
follow it up by expanding and redefining his support base in a manner that
coalesces the cleavages-political, economic and social- of Kashmiri society and
makes them work together in harmony. The idiom that he employs to build this
political class should be informed by the preferences and popular culture of Kashmir is and his goal should be the distribution of power
to the people. This populist program should be enacted and pursued simultaneously
by a project of what is called good governance, decentralization, direct
democracy and administrative competence. The corollary to this should be activism
on the centre state relations front where the young chief minister should
educate centre about greater autonomy and its benefits.
A concerted effort
along these lines could potentially transform the conflict dynamic in Kashmir and resolve the internal dimension of the
conflict for good. Politics, to iterate the cliché, is an art of government
involving authority and government while as administration is all about
management and the rational bureaucratic method. It is about time that Mr, Abdullah
disentangled the two and focuses on politics. Or merge them together in a
fruitful symbiosis and synthesis and crystallize the current lull into lasting
peace. Is he listening?
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