The gory attacks
carried out by young members of a fringe Islamist group, Al Qaeda, on September
11, 2001, were an eloquent reminder of the nature of the world we inhabit.
Defined by a condition of fragmentation and integration, this world referred to
as fragmegration by the eminent James Rosenau, the attacks of September 11
illustrated the dialectic between fragmentation and integration. Heralded my
many as the crumbling of the old order, the attacks of September 11 were held
to be of world historical significance and import. It was widely believed that
the attacks besides ushering in a new type of actor-the non state actor- would
lead to underlying and far reaching changes in world politics and international
relations.
The prosaic reality,
however, is that September 11 was in the nature of a gory and perhaps an
aberrant interlude in world politics. Whilst it did reorient the strategies of
major states and focused their energies on combating terrorism and securing their
homelands, it essentially changed nothing. The reference here is to the
framework and underlying premises of international relations and politics.
These continue to be informed by the principles and diktats of the Westphalian
system of international relations. In this system and framework, it is the same
old stuff that determines relations between states: the quest for security,
balances of power, hegemonic competition, the quest for great power status and
great power rivalries. The direction and
thrust of world politics remains set in stone.
The real and
substantive issue of contemporary international relations and politics is the dénouement
of the strategic rivalry between the sole superpower, the United States and the wannabe superpower, China .
Complementing this is the trajectory and the political condition of the Arab Muslim
world. The rest is mere detail. The former will determine the nature of
international relations-whether it will be a multipolar , bipolar or continue
to be a unipolar world with some room of maneuver for other powers. And the
latter will determine the political future of peoples long in thrall of
authoritarianism and will also have security implications.
If the future world
order or the nature of international relations turns out to be multipolar, the nature of this
mutlipolarity will be different. It will not be an unstable system. The reasons
for this are the nuclear arsenals available to major states and more
importantly because the major states of the world are enmeshed in a complex
interdependence paradigm. This complex interdependence paradigm-qualitatively
different from the one prior to World War I – is likely to be the best
insurance against the slide to war. The path to great power status lies through
economic growth. War is no longer the arbiter of this status. And it is economic growth and trade and
enmeshment into trading patterns that can generate the requisite economic growth.
It would then be irrational for any aspiring power to upset this paradigm,
embark on revisionism and destroy this paradigm or order.
Will the competition
between China and the United States
pan out within the framework of economic growth? And will China graduate up the economic ladder and
challenge the United States
and its primacy and leave an indelible imprimatur on world politics? Or in ,
other words, will the result of this competition lead to Sino centric world?
The answer is no. China may have
grand aspirations and may even want to revert to the Middle Kingdom formulation
or state, but this is informed more by wish. The reality is different. In the
final analysis, China
will be socialized into the international system of states and even morph into
a democracy. The reasons for this optimism are premised upon the nature of the
international system and its principles. This system formulated after the
treaty of Westphalia has proved to be so enduring,
resilient and strong that it has withstood the most vicious and sustained
challenges to it: Fascism, Nazism, World Wars and the Great Depression. No
other paradigm or system can supplant it. If a nation or state attempts to
overthrow this order, it gets consumed and destroyed in the process. However,
this system is not static; it is a dynamic and thus open to all and sundry. The
only requirement is that the state in contention plays by its rules. And these
rules are so powerful and compelling that they change and mutate the player or
the actor playing the game. It socializes the actor into its principles and
framework. There is no escape once an actor enters into the fray. No doubles
games are countenanced and no short cuts possible. Revisionism within this
system is a mug’s game.
What implications does
this have on states or non state actors that are wannabe revisionists? The
implications are stark. Adapt, accommodate or die. The fate of Al Qaeda- a non
state actor-is a case in point. It, as an actor, has lost it’s potency-materially
and ideologically. What followed September 11- albeit with a time lag- was the
Arab Spring and a Middle East pregnant with
the prospects of real and substantive change. It did not catalyze a broad
reaction against the west or the Westphalian system in the Muslim world. It then
behooves upon all states or/and even non state actors to reach an accommodation
with this system. It is open to heterogeneity as long as the rules of the game
are abided. Let this be taken to heart by all and sundry and instead of
changing or challenging the system work toward improving the system and its
lacunae. It is then that a peaceful and prosperous world will emerge.
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