History is perhaps
replete with ironies. One poignant irony that continues to impinge on the lives
of the peoples of the subcontinent is the formation, ideological premise and
the subsequent nature of the state of Pakistan . It is ironical because
the tactical maneuvering of the founder of Pakistan ,
Ali Mohammad Jinnah, was at odds with the vision he had for Pakistan . This vision can be
gleaned from the concluding remarks of his 11th August, 1947, address
to the Constituent Assembly. Jinnah asserted,
“You will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to
be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense,
because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political
sense as citizens of the State”
Clearly then Jinnah’s
vision for Pakistan
was that of a secular, liberal entity wherein people of different, creeds,
religions and faith would co-exist. Or, in other words, he envisaged a secular,
vibrant political community which had been accorded a state whose nature would
be liberal, pluralist and liberal with equal citizenship rights to all.
However, the subsequent trajectory and nature of Pakistan belies this vision and is
at stark odds with this vision. Pakistan
has inexorably drifted into a semi authoritarian entity with an Islamic tenor.
This raises a set of questions: What
accounts for this discrepancy and dissonance? Does the fault lie in tactical
maneuver of creating and crafting a polity as a homeland for South Asian
Muslims and then articulating a vision that was at odds with this? Is the condition that Pakistan finds
itself in reversible? How can this political decay be reversed? And how can Pakistan morph
into a normal entity?
It would perhaps be
safe to posit that the tactical maneuvering and the slogan of Pakistan as a
homeland for South Asian Muslims has laid the seeds of the mess that Pakistan
is in. There are multifarious reasons
for this. One salient one is that the state, in the final analysis, cannot but
be a secular and liberal entity. The state, in any form or shape, owes its
genesis to the Treaty of Westphalia and the subsequent convolutions that
gripped Europe . And it is the reification of
the postulates and principles of secularism and liberalism (not in all cases
though) that informs the state and its formation. As such, there can be no such
thing as an ‘Islamic state’, a ‘Hindu state’ or a ‘Christian state-save in
notional terms. Numerous groups comprise the state and they just cannot realistically
be subsumed under an all encompassing rubric and citizenship, by its nature is
secular. State society relations, by and large, have to be aligned and this can
only happen in a liberal, democratic and secular state.
It is then the
tension between the slogan of/for Pakistan
and the nature of the state that explains the dissonance and the attendant
confusion that defines Pakistan .
The results of this dissonance are rife in Pakistan . Be it the Pakistani or
sections of the Pakistani society at odds with the state(read Pakistani
Taliban) or the praetorian-oligarchical nature of the Pakistani elite,
different groups vying for the definition of Pakistan and the attendant morass,
it can all be traced to the fundamental contradiction that lies at the heart of
the Pakistani state. The nagging question then is: Can this be reversed?
This is a million
dollar question. It can. Or it cannot. One reason for the latter assertion- a
pessimistic one-is the path dependence of institutions and their ‘lock in’.
This ‘lock in’ favors the status quo as interests-vested or otherwise,
expectations and paradigms converge, get entrenched and are resistant to
change. But this condition is not irreversible. Nations and paradigms and
philosophies change and mutate. The same can possibly hold true for Pakistan . What
would bring about the salubrious change that would redound positively to Pakistan and
the world?
Bold and beautiful
leadership is the answer. This would mean leadership by commission and omission
and would entail introspection by the Pakistani power structure and reconsideration/
redefinition of its national interest. More specifically, this means that the
praetorian elite of Pakistan ,
that is , the Army, in the interests of Pakistan ’s longevity as a healthy
nation state, withdraw from the politics of the nation. Concomitantly, it means
the rejigging and reformulation of the governing ideology of Pakistan . This
can be done by the emergence of a charismatic leader who works in sync with the
power structure of Pakistan
and the people of Pakistan
in directions envisaged by its founder.
Or, in other words,
somebody has to do a Chavez in Pakistan
(sans the insalubrious aspects of Hugo Chavez’ approach). Populism that brings
and aggregates the aspirations of Pakistan and guides them into
salubrious directions along with the retreat of the army from politics is
perhaps the only way out of the morass. Someone has to rise from the masses and have
an enlightened agenda for Pakistan
and embark on a spree of creative destruction. A new Pakistan has to be forged from the
ashes and a final consensus be arrived at over its nature and identity.
Killings on a
quotidian basis, the pervasive political instability and economic torpor and an
insalubrious foreign policy orientation all accrue from the contradictions that
define Pakistan .
This ,in turn, is predicated upon the
nature of the formation of the Pakistani state. It is about time that the
political decay accruing from a mélange of these factors be reversed. Pakistan ’s
future is at stake here. Let the powers that be in Pakistan introspect, review and
course correct. And let Jinnah’s remarks be taken as sacrosanct and form the
grist and mill of the naya(new) Pakistan .
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