Azadi(Freedom) for Kashmir: Pagah(Tommorrow)?

The word ‘pagah’ (tomorrow) is perhaps a metaphor for the Kashmiri condition- a condition defined by apathy, torpor  and insouciance, all overlain by a disconnect from the world. Be it the local corner store walla, the bank clerk, the post office walla, the all powerful, stalling and obstructionist afsar sahib (bureaucrat), the carpenter or the mason, or the minister sahib, the word pagah dribbles from their respective lips reflexively. Parallel to this is the very fluid notion of time here: nobody in Kashmir gives either a definitive datum or time for a meeting, appointment and so on.  The reflex here is fluid: if one asks for an appointment or a meeting, the response will invariably be 11-11:30, 2-2:30 or after a pausal pagah.  Never a definitive 3 pm or 4pm and one is lucky if the person does turn around the time he/she professes to turn up at. This pagah does not necessarily mean tomorrow. Its definition in the mind of the person articulating it is very fluid and open ended.

This condition is reflective of the conditions of life that obtain in Kashmir: languid, lazy and welfare state like. There is no sense of urgency and a  sense of drift pervades all walks of life. The question is: does this accrue from the political uncertainty afflicting Kashmir? Is the nature of public finance or the centre state financial relations and the attendant culture of subsidies responsible for this? Or does this accrue from more prosaic and mundane factors? Does it reflect the broader disconnect from the world, the global economy or even the Indian economy? Is this alarming? And can this be reversed? If so, how?

The condition of languidness, torpor and apathy that defines Kashmir is alarming. It clearly reflects Kashmir’s disconnect from both the wider Indian economy and the global economy. This means that Kashmir lives in a cocoon like environment or condition foisted upon it by the nature of Kashmir’s political economy. This economy or ecology sustains itself on centre state transfers and a culture of subsidies wherein Kashmiris do not really earn or work for the economic rewards accruing from these. Be it the employees of the bloated public sector or the so called entrepreneurs skimming of loans and the subsidies thereof, all are passive beneficiaries of this warped system. This is dangerous because it creates and leads to a culture of dependency on these transfers, stifles the mind and stultifies creativity and innovation. It, in the process, also creates a sense and culture of entitlement. This is reflected in the all pervasive Kashmiri yearning for a government job and dependence on the state and politicians and is incidentally then responsible for the politics of patronage. This then is dangerous and needs to be rectified on an urgent basis. The question is how?

Two parallel approaches and tacks need to be implemented in Kashmir for this mind set and culture to be given short shrift. One is vigorous Kashmiri nationalism and the other is Kashmir’s integration into the global economy. Kashmiri nationalism hitherto has been negative nationalism. That is, it has been a reaction to the injustices and indignities suffered by Kashmiris under the Maharaja’s rule and then a reaction against India’s sovereign remit over it. The form that this nationalism took was projection of Kashmiri aspirations and desires and transference of it to the personality of that great Kashmiri leader, Shaikh Muhammd Abdullah. This form of nationalism has passed its use date and the need of the hour is to create and nurture a new nationalism that is vigorous and intense and not based on a personality.

An imagined community of Kashmiris has to be forged and then yardsticks and benchmarks set for this nationalism that are vigorous and salubrious. This may mean resuscitating Kashmir’s legion of saints and forging an ethos and outlook on life that these saints propounded. This could also mean engendering and creating Kashmir’s soft power. That is, power which appeals on account of the inherent appeal of its values. This nationalism should not be at odds with the broader Indian nationalism and could be a sub set of Indian nationalism.  It should engender pride in being a Kashmiri, should not be exclusionary and should sublimate Kashmir’s collective energy towards salubrious ends.

This should then be followed by a comprehensive rehaul and rejigging of Kashmir’s political economy. Kashmiris have the oomph and gumption to hold their own and there is a plethora of talent here that can create a niche for itself in the ever expanding global economy. An imaginative approach , that integrates Kashmir with the global economy, should be employed. Kashmiris, if accorded the opportunity and armed with nouveau nationalism, can prove their mettle, disavow the culture of dependency on the Centre and create a niche for themselves in the global economy. All that is needed is the existence of an enabling environment, a state apparatus that is responsive and aligned to the latest trends in the global economy and a balance between the state and the market. And , of course, this has to be complemented by educating Kashmiris on globalization and the global economy.

 A concerted attempt and a dedicated focus on the ideational and policy orientation identified in this article can potentially lead to a naya( new) Kashmir. It is about time then that Kashmiris pledge to redeem and change their condition. The day when pagah will be replaced by vuni(now) will be that Kashmiris will stand liberated and real azadi(freedom) achieved. Till then, Kashmiris will continue to wallow in their apathy, torpor and lassitude and perhaps, in the long duree scheme of things wither as an ethnic group and entity. It is this potential scenario that needs to pre –empted. The time for this may be now.