It’s official now. India is allowing foreign direct investment (FDI)
from Pakistan
in all sectors except defense, space and atomic energy. Richard Rosecrance’s-
the distinguished Harvard political scientist’s prescient prophesies and
prognostications seem to be finally making their debut in the region held to be
in thrall of politico-military , ideological and territorial conflict: the
Indian subcontinent. The subcontinent is apparently on the cusp of enmeshing
itself in the ‘complex interdependence’ paradigm enunciated and propounded by
the brilliant duo of Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane.
Nye and Keohane
propounded the concept of complex interdependence in the late seventies during
the waxing and waning years of the Cold war. The concept was a challenge to the
dominant theory of realism which posited a zero sum relation between states
with power as the ultima ratio of/for states. The corollaries to realism were
balance of power, conflict, and war. Nye and Keohane held that subtle changes
were occurring in international relations and world politics and that military
power and might or hard power was no longer the sine qua non of world politics.
Nations and states
were enmeshed into ‘thick globalism’ or complex interdependence which rendered
the traditional reliance on hard power, balance of power and military conflict
rather passé. Similarly, the eminent Professor Rosecrance, a few years later,
held that trade was replacing territorial expansion and military might as the
key to international position, wealth and power. The politico-territorial-military
state was giving way to what the good Professor called the ‘trading state’. Post war Japan was held to epitomize the
trading state. While Nye in his latest book ,’Power in the 21st Century’
elaborated upon complex interdependence in the 21st century, he
qualified this by positing a theoretical paradigm or synthesis called which he
called liberal realism. That is, a synthesis of liberalism (which informed
complex interdependence) and political realism and whether Professor Rosecrance
was a bit too enthusiastic with his ‘trading state’ formulation is besides the
point here.
What is pertinent
is that a new dynamic and paradigm between nuclear armed rivals, India and Pakistan is emerging. And this is
corresponding to both the complex interdependence and the trading state
paradigm. This is not to say that complex interdependence is the determining relationship
between both states or they are morphing into trading states, but the drift of
the relationship is gradually moving towards these paradigms. Skepticism notwithstanding over/about the durability of the process that has been
initiated, it is nothing but unalloyed good and salubrious news and is to be
welcomed. The reasons for this are
axiomatic: mutating and morphing into potential trading states and enmeshing themselves
into a complex interdependence paradigm will redound positively to the peoples
of the two countries and will sublimate their energies towards salubrious ends.
The result will be peace and prosperity in the subcontinent. The question is
how to sustain this process and set it in stone? The answer to this question
lies in deepening the process of complex interdependence.
Complex
interdependence is contingent and is informed by three salient features:
(a) the employment of
multiple channels of contact and action between societies in interstate, transgovernmental and transnational relations;
(b) Issue linkages and
changing agendas;
(c) Decline in the
saliency and use of military force and coercion in interstate relations.
What does this mean
in the Indo Pak relationship dynamic? This means and implies vigorous and
intense people to people contact, development of official channels for dialogue
between the respective governments and deepening the volume and density of
these contacts. It also means changing the mix of issues and linkages that
define these into ones that lend themselves amenable to resolution and finally obviating
the security dilemmas inherent in a zero sum conflict dynamic that permeates
the relationship between the two countries. In practice, this may mean changing
the military posture of the two countries into a non offensive defense paradigm
and working out a nuclear doctrine that corresponds to this new strategic
doctrine.
A concerted focus
on these elements may lead to complex interdependence becoming real in the
subcontinent. Whilst it may be surreal to expect the military political dimension
to disappear, it would not be a far fetched expectation to believe that
gradually the conflictual dynamic between India
and Pakistan
will give way to a more co-operative one. This , incidentally, is in accord
with the drift of world politics and international relations of the past few
decades. And it means that the subcontinent is aligning itself with these
rather irreversible trends and dynamics. Enough is enough: the peoples of the
subcontinent should built bottoms up pressure to support and sustain this
process and their governments should respond to this. It is perhaps complex
interdependence that will give short shrift to decadal animus and hostility between
the traditional adversaries. Let cynicism and skepticism give way to warm hope.
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